Participation conjointe de Jean-Noël Barrot, ministre de l’Europe et des affaires étrangères, et Johann Wadephul, ministre des affaires étrangères de la République fédérale d’Allemagne, à la conférence « Europe 2026 » de Die Zeit, Handelsblatt, Tagesspiegel et Wirtschafts Woche - Propos de Jean-Noël Barrot (Berlin, 17 mars 2026)
Q - Thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for this very nice welcome. Europe stands at a crossroad, and the European Union is searching for new, renewed sovereignty and independence, for stronger, more autonomous defence capabilities, and for greater geopolitical weight. And we are very delighted to discuss all these subjects with you, with two Foreign Ministers, which represent countries from the heart of Europe. Also, countries that are among two key drivers to this very process of a strong European Union.
Q - Yeah, what better moment to discuss with these experts on the Russian aggression in Ukraine, on hybrid attacks against the rest of Europe, the rupture of transatlantic relations, a doomed truth-based order, and now an unpredictable war in Iran, which is dampening Europe’s hope of economic recovery, all the while right-wing parties are gaining ground throughout Europe, threatening the future of the Union from within. So, I’m very glad to welcome you both here, Ministers. It’s my honour to introduce Jean-Noël Barrot. Jean-Noël Barrot has been the French Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs since 2024, and he has already served under three Prime Ministers since then. He calls himself a dedicated European, and in a recent speech, he warned of the forces who would like to make Europe disappear : « Une Europe éclatée serait une Europe plus facilement vassalisée », “A fragmented Europe would be a Europe that could be more easily subjugated”. Bienvenue, Monsieur le Ministre.
R - Merci beaucoup. Thank you very much.
Q - Of course we are also very welcoming Johann Wadephul. He has been Foreign Minister for nearly a year, and it has been a year in which he has found himself at the center of major geopolitical shifts. He recently described German-French relations as a question of destiny for the European Union and at the same time, he emphasizes that differences must be addressed openly between these two countries while always remaining willing to reach out to one another and shaking hands. And I can confirm that they’ve already shaken hands backstage. So everything is fine, I think. And we will find out what your view is on the state of the European Union and of course on the global hotspots of today. You will outline that now for us in a short and a brief statement.
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R - Thank you very much. Thanks for the invitation, Johann. It’s a pleasure to share the podium with you. You might be 20 years older than me, but your performances are much higher on Instagram. We just bumped into a group of youngsters as we were walking on the plaza to come in to congratulate you on this performance.
The first time we formally met in our current capacities as Foreign Ministers was on the day when the new coalition government was formed. And one month later, we were sitting together in Geneva with the Iranian minister, our British colleague, and the European High Representative trying to find a path for negotiations in the midst of a war. That is to say how much we’ve gone through together, which always helps to forge strong friendships.
What’s the main geopolitical challenge of our times ? Well, it is the growing rivalry between two superpowers, the US and China. A rivalry that is shaping into a race : a race to technological domination, a race to the control of critical value chains, a race to military supremacy as well. A rivalry that is going to lead those two superpowers to change, modify their network of alliances and write new rules for the international order. A rivalry that threatens to drag some of us, France, Germany, Europe, into tensions and conflicts that are not our own.
Is this irreversible ? The answer is no. But there is only one player that can change everything, that can diffuse the tension, that can prevent us from being dragged into these tensions and conflict with the associated consequences. It is a third superpower : a strong and independent Europe. Why ? Well, because we are the most advanced coalition, union of nations in history ; that we are the largest solvable market on earth ; and that we are the most democratic society. Because people live better in Europe than they do in China or in the US. They have a better health, and they have a higher life expectancy. And because so many countries around the world are willing to join us, to get closer to us, nine countries are formally candidates to EU accession today. Others might join them.
Iceland, in a few weeks or months, and maybe Canada at some point.
And then look beyond that. Look at our British friends, the UK, who have been talking about reset, who are now talking about alignment, and some of whom mentioned the terms customs union. So let us say to our British friends that if they stand ready to come back to the single market, with all associated privileges and duties, they will be met with open arms.
Look at Switzerland, with whom we just signed major arrangements. Look at India, the Minister of which country Johann and I greeted at the Foreign Affairs Council in Brussels earlier this week, with whom we’ve signed a historic agreement. Many countries around the world are willing to get closer to our Union because what makes this Union very attractive is its prospect, its promise, a promise that can only be upheld if indeed we build a strong and independent Europe.
To build a strong and independent Europe, what we need is to further this ironclad alliance and friendship between the French and the German people, which is a legacy, as Johann just said, of visionary souls, of our predecessors, Konrad Adenauer and Robert Schuman, who proved to the world that by cooperating on steel, coal, France and Germany could become stronger and more prosperous than by fighting over such resources. It is a friendship that is enshrined in this 1963 treaty, but also rooted in the multiple economic, social, human connections between our two countries, that have survived through time, through political chasms, and through political instability.
It is an alliance that is the true engine for a strong and independent Europe, as evidenced by the very ambitious agenda that we adopted together, our Joint Council of Ministers, last summer in Toulon, and which has already started to deliver. To deliver for European security. Remember the recent joint statement of Chancellor Merz and President Macron on forward nuclear deterrence. Delivered on European prosperity, with our joint simplification agenda, our agenda for the Capital Markets Union, and also our agenda for digital sovereignty with this very important summit that took place here in Berlin, last November. And it’s starting to deliver for European democracy, with our joint fight against disinformation and foreign interference, with the Europeanization of Arte, with the democratic shield that is being built between Deutsche Welle and France Média Monde.
This friendship and this alliance are what can make Europe stronger and more independent in a way that can allow France and Germany to uphold their interests and their values. But it is not a given. It requires everlasting resolve and faith. But the good news is that just like Chancellor Merz and President Macron, Johann and I have plenty of resolve and plenty of faith.
Thank you very much.
Q - Thank you very much, Minister Wadephul, Minister Barrot, for these encouraging opening remarks. Jean-Noël Barrot, I’d like to start off with a conflict that is not our own, as you said : Iran. On Sunday, US President Donald Trump had threatened that NATO allies will face a very bad future if they refuse to help secure the Strait of Hormuz. And yesterday, after the meeting of the EU Foreign Ministers in Brussels, Kaja Kallas made it very clear that Iran is not Europe’s war and that Europe will not participate militarily in a war that it hadn’t started. So, is Europe going to be a bystander in this war and watch its fallout ? The third superpower is going to stand by and watch ?
R - To the very contrary, actually. What Europe has done in the past few days is proving itself as the third superpower that is starting to open a third path where a number of countries are going to follow us. This is best exemplified by the deployment of military capacities by a number of European countries in the areas, to protect our friends and allies. This is best exemplified by Ministers’ trip to the region, to come and support our partners that have been drawn into this war that they had not chosen. This is Europe. When there is a war that is not our choice, we of course care about our own, our people, our embassies, our military capacity in the region, but we also are the first to provide protection to our partners and friends under fire. That’s exactly the kind of message we want to convey to the world. We provide comfort, support when times are hard, and we don’t let ourselves be drawn into wars that we have not chosen.
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Q- Mr. Barrot, if we stay in the region for a moment, several instrumental figures in the Iranian regime have been killed by the strikes. Israel said today that Ali Larijani, Iran’s top security official, is dead now. If you compare Iran to Libya and Iraq, for example, where outside interventions attempted regime change, Iran has a much more massive arsenal as well as a nuclear program. What happens if Iran falls apart and becomes a failed state without a government ?
R - Let me simply add to what Johann said on the third superpower and what the posture should be in such a war. I said that our posture should be to support and protect our friends and allies. But in any case, in the future, we shouldn’t be drawn into wars over energy that we did not trigger in the first place. And this is part of our agenda. If we want to get rid of fossil fuel in Europe, to go to renewable and some of us to nuclear, it’s precisely because we never want to go at war because of our dependencies on fossil fuel. Turns out that we have many things in Europe, including great ideas, but we don’t have fossil fuels. So let’s accelerate, if anything, our transition to other sources of energy to be completely independent. And when we deploy military capacities, to do it to serve our interests and values, not to cope or to respond to dependencies that that we need to get rid of. And then, as far as the future of Iran is concerned, of course the risk with external military intervention is to end up in situation of fragmentation of countries like we’ve seen in the past in the region, which create a lot of instability and which become the source of migration waves, the source of terrorist resurgence, and the source of foreign interference and influence, which is absolutely something we want to avoid. And that’s why it’s going to be important, just like Johann said, that the day after comes with a plan. A plan to make sure that there is stability, security, and beyond, some form of regional integration for the region. I think that despite the dramatic consequences of this war, if we step back a few months ago, the hope was still out there that on the horizon was the prospect of such integration. Let us not forget that the Iranian regime, in addition to what Johann has already said, has also exercised a bloody repression against its own people. And for sure, this is also not sustainable. And for sure, this will have to be addressed one way or another.
Q - But just to follow up, what could this plan look like to uphold Iran, should the government completely fall ?
R- Well, I think right now, our priorities, and we should keep focus, our priorities go to the security of our people and assets in the region, the security of our partners, and the restoration of the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, a topic that we will be discussing extensively today with Johann and beyond with other partners. I would add to that the question of Lebanon, a country that is dear to us and that is being drawn into this war that it has not chosen because Hezbollah decided to attack Israel. because Israel is now considering a full-scale or potentially a full-scale ground operation in Lebanon, things that we have seen in the past that typically come with massive displacement of populations and with dire humanitarian consequences. So we are going to focus on this, while in the background, exchanging views, share notes with our partners in the region on what might be the architecture for the day after. But I think this still needs some thoughts and some discussions before it can be presented on such a stage.
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Q - So, Minister Barrot, if we take a look at the transatlantic relationship, Trump once more made a threat against NATO allies. He promised a very bad future if there was no support to secure the Strait of Hormuz. What do you make of this threat and are you concerned about the possible repercussions ?
R- Just before coming on stage, I heard that there was a new statement saying that after all, the request for help was not as pressing as the first messages suggested. And we are going to work very hard to ensure security of navigation, but like President Macron said this afternoon, we would never do it in the current situation in the strait. We have in mind is an international mission that would bring together partners that are able and willing to contribute to the safety of navigation once the calm will be back in the area. after, of course, de-conflicting with the major players out there, including Iran, of course, but also Oman, so that the ships can sail through. In the same kind of spirit, we’ve built the European mission Aspides in the Red Sea which, over the past two years, has been able to secure the passage of north of 600 ships. This is basically the way we are going to try and provide a contribution long term, or at least, you know, a durable contribution to freedom of navigation in the area.
Q - But to come back to the transatlantic relationship, once more trump has made threats against NATO allies and NATO relies heavily on deterrence. What does it mean for the transatlantic relationship, including the NATO alliance, if the strongest members repeatedly makes threats against its members ?
R- I think the alliance is very strong. The commitments that were made by the member States last year to raise their military spending to 3.5% is exactly what the United States are and have been expecting for a long time now, including before President Trump came into office : namely, shifting the burden or shifting the responsibilities more and more to the Europeans. And we see this as an opportunity, an opportunity to develop our vision and our capacity within NATO, to Europeanize NATO even more than it was before. I think that’s the right way to see what we’re trying to do currently in NATO.
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Q - Mr. Barrot, maybe a following-up question to that, it’s military support for the Ukraine, it’s sanction against Russia, but it’s also the diplomatic way : how can we achieve or reach any kind of peace in the Ukraine ? It was Mr. Macron, I think it was in January, when he suggested to invite Russia to a G7 meeting in Paris. So just a question : isn’t it a way that the European Union is going to make direct talks with Russia ? Because the US, they have different problems now. So should the EU directly with Russia ?
R- The EU, and beyond the EU, because other countries beyond the EU are strong supporters of Ukraine. And this group is now the main supporter of Ukraine, both financially and militarily. And in addition to what Joanne just said, we’re hoping for a 20th sanction package to be formally adopted in the next few days. But let us remember that on Saturday, last weekend, we rolled over the 2,600 designations, so sanctions, European sanctions. And that on Monday in Brussels, we adopted new sanctions : sanctions against the war criminals responsible for Bucha and sanctions against people, including a Franco-Russian citizen responsible for Russian propaganda in Europe, but also in Africa. Having direct discussions with the Kremlin we cannot exclude this possibility given that we’re the main support that Ukraine is relying on, given how much we’ve invested in supporting the Ukrainian resistance. There is no reason why we shouldn’t seek, when time is ripe, for independent contact with Russia without intermediaries, just so that Vladimir Putin’s Russia understands what are our expectations and red lines, and so that we can hear Vladimir Putin’s Russia red lines and expectations as well.
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Q - We’re taking away a lot of invitations tonight, but I want to come back to France and Germany as the motor of European reforms and strength. You both mentioned it, you spoke about an ironclad partnership, but if we look at one of the poster child of French-German cooperation on defense, FCAS, it seems to be doomed. Jean-Noël Barrot, how can this be saved ? How can FCAS be saved ? Can it be saved ? And how can this be a role model for a strong European cooperation, including on defense projects ?
R - Let me first go back to your earlier question. And please let’s stop saying that Europe has not delivered. I think Europe is by far the continent that fought the most effectively against the COVID-19 crisis. That was the most traumatic event for most of our citizens. Let’s stop degrading the image of Europe while the European people are craving, are hoping for Europe to stand up and to accelerate. I’m not saying the pace is right. I’m saying the direction is right and that we’ve proven in recent times, faced with the COVID-19 crisis, faced with the war in Ukraine, of our capacity to go way beyond all the red lines that we had set for ourselves. And this is also to say that even though the points Johann made are very important, and I’ll say why, let us not forget that unity does not need to precede, to come before action. Sometimes, action creates unity, and that’s what we’ve seen with the COVID, and that’s what we’ve seen with Ukraine. We have done all of this. We’ve adopted 19 sanction packages with unanimity rules. It’s been tough. It has required a lot of political will and drive and negotiation and so on. We’ve been able to do it. But why do we still need to think about reforming our internal processes ? Because our union is going to enlarge. And as we get more numerous, we will need to streamline our processes, the enlargement process, the decision process. And as you know, typically, France and Germany have brought together this idea or carry together this idea of extending the field of qualified majority. Germany insisting on foreign policy, France insisting on fiscal policy. But we are going to keep carrying this agenda forward, because the two processes need to go hand in hand and move in lockstep, the enlargement and the institutional readiness to have decision processes that are still streamlined, even though the union is larger. Another point I want to make.
Q - You are not going to go on FCAS.
R - No, I’m going to FCAS. Don’t worry. Don’t worry. It’s a very important topic. Some will say, OK, superpower number one and superpower number two have a vertical line of command, while you guys are 27 and soon to be 28, 29, and so on and so forth. It is a historical mistake to claim that collegial decision-making is not conducive to power and to the expression and exercise of power. Venice has ruled over an entire region for several centuries with an absolute collegial decision-making process. The only thing is that the decision-making process needs to be streamlined, and that’s what we’ll be working on. But let’s not spend our days and time blaming ourselves. We have a strong Union. It needs to accelerate. There is raising awareness that our sovereignty grows through a strong and independent Europe. Let’s ride this momentum and accelerate the stream of reform.
Now, FCAS. This is obviously not the only moment in our history that France and Germany have decided to tie their destiny and their faith into a project. The first of which was this steel and coal community. And everyone remember the spirit of this steel and coal community, that came out of the mind of Schuman and Adenauer : it was a very simple idea. Germany and France are fighting world wars over a small region that is holding steel and coal, which is necessary to build weapons. But the steel is in one place and the coal is in another place. So if you want to build a weapon, you need to have the entire region. And that’s Germany and France fighting over this region. And these guys proved that by pooling the resource, then there is no need to fight against the region because the resources are available. And this is the same spirit in which we’ve built Airbus and we’ve implemented other subsequent cooperation. This is exactly… the same spirit of the forward nuclear deterrence. And that’s why we believe in the FCAS project. And that’s why we’re going to fight as long as we can until we find a solution. And let me say something clearly. Do not expect the solution to come from the corporates. Do you think, do you really think that Schuman and Adenauer, If they had got to see the steel and coal corporates at the time, that these guys would have said “go ahead and build this European community” ? They would never have had the green light. So it’s up to the political leaders, our leaders, to find a way forward for this project that can project our relationship in the decades to come.
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Q - Thank you very much, merci beaucoup. That was our grand finale of a pretty spectacularly packed day. Thank you for having been here, thank you for listening to our constructive questions and thank you for your participation.