The political challenges of the Union
The European Council of the European Union heads of state and government
in Brussels (Belgium), in June 2006.
A European Union with 27 members cannot function either in the same way or with the same rules as it did when it only had 15. So reforms are necessary in order to build a more efficient Europe that is closer to its citizens.
Reflection and pragmatism
Practical improvements
The successive treaties have certainly brought some major institutional reforms, but enlargement to 27 really puts the efficiency of European institutions to the test. The provisions of the Treaty of Nice (2001) - which govern the present functioning of the European institutions - are insufficient to enable progress to be made and crucial decisions to be taken in a constantly changing world. That was the aim of the text of the European Constitution. It was to have updated the government of Europe and, specifically, to give the Union a new framework and new rules. For it to come into force, such a text would have had to be ratified by every country, but it was rejected by referendum in France and the Netherlands and other states would not come to a decision.
Reflection and pragmatism
Against this background, the heads of state or government have, since the European Council of June 2005, been engaged in a period of reflection to allow a wide-ranging debate to take place in each country and enable the Union to function as well as possible whilst awaiting a new form of governance to be put in place. The result? One year on, the 25 member states, meeting in June 2006, chose pragmatism - to make the most of the existing treaties and at the same time draw up a timetable for re-launching the institutional debate.
They also decided to make more visible the practical things that Europe does and that its citizens expect - of which there are many. This is a new approach that the French president, Jacques Chirac, at the end of 2005, called "the Europe of projects" and one that the Portuguese president of the European Commission, José Manuel Durão Barroso, defined in May 2006 as "the Europe of results".
Another decision was to take account of the Union’s "absorption capacity" and ensure its proper political, financial and institutional functioning before any further enlargement. This period of reflection is essential if we want future enlargement to be the success it has been in the past.
In addition, a timetable has been drawn up for continuing the process of institutional reform. It will start in the first six-month period of 2007 with the German presidency and end at the latest during the second six-month period of 2008 under the French presidency [1], and it will be Germany that leads a series of consultations, considering a number of possible scenarios: Keeping the same treaty? Drafting a different text? A shorter one? Should it be strictly constitutional or incorporate a social dimension?
Practical improvements
Meanwhile, the most important decision is still that all avenues should be explored that might permit institutional improvements to the Union to be made on the basis of the framework of existing treaties. Indeed this was what the French president asked for at the beginning of 2006. So in April, the French minister responsible for European Affairs, Catherine Colonna, travelled to Vienna (Austria) to present the French proposals to Ursula Plassnik, the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs. A good number of them were approved by the 25 member states at the European Council in June 2006.
A few examples: henceforth no text will be adopted without an evaluation of its social impact at every stage of the legislative procedure (Commission, Council, Parliament). To ensure greater democracy, the Commission will send draft texts to all national parliaments, which will then be able to give their opinion. Lastly, the European Council has agreed to work on improving the decision-making process regarding matters of internal security and justice. Work on this subject began in September.
These measures respond to the wishes of Europe’s citizens for a more social, more efficient, transparent and democratic Europe.
Mélina Gazsi
Journalist
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"How Europe works".
The Franco-German driving force
From the end of the Second World War, French and German politicians expended considerable effort on building a new relationship based on trust between the two countries. The European project was the extension of this and the progress in European integration supported the deepening of this bilateral relationship.
The signature of the Elysée Treaty in 1963 of course gave a new dimension to cooperation between France and Germany. The institutional framework that it put in place strengthened the contribution of the two countries to the European project. Political leaders in France and Germany were able to get over their sometimes different political affiliations to give decisive impetus to progress in the construction of Europe: Single European Act, Maastricht Treaty, Schengen Area, euro.
The joint declaration made by the two governments on 22 January 2003 on the 40th anniversary of the Elysée Treaty is an excellent expression of this constant concern of the two governments since it places "France and Germany’s friendship at the service of a shared responsibility for Europe".
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