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Common Foreign and Security Policy

The Union’s external relations

The Western Balkans
The Mediterranean Rim and the Middle East
Eastern Europe and Central Asia
Africa
Latin America

The external relations of the Union cover action under the CFSP and the other pillars. The European Commission plays a key role in managing the Union’s external aid programmes: Euro-peAid and ECHO (European Commission Humanitarian Office). Enlargement policy, European neighbourhood policy, development policy and the common trade policy are addressed in detail in the «Guide to the common policies of the European Union» produced by the European Cooperation Directorate at the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This section provides an overview of the whole range of actions conducted by the European Union around the world.

The Western Balkans

The engagement of the European Union in the Balkans region is specific in character. This is so because it was to a very large extent in the Balkans that the European Union both became aware of its limitations and decided to implement a determined foreign policy.

The political process

The strategy pursued by the European Union in the Western Balkans is based on the stabilisation and association process launched at the Zagreb summit in November 2000. This is aimed at strengthening institutions and bringing these countries more closely in line with European standards and the acquis communautaire. The Zagreb summit and the Thessalonica summit of June 2003 were key points in the political impetus generated by the European Union in the region.

The stabilisation and association process led to the negotiation and signing of Stabilisation and Association Agreements (SAA) with the countries in the region (Albania, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia). These contain certain conditionalities of which the most important relate to minority rights, the effective return of refugees, cooperation with the ICTY and cooperation between the countries in the region (specifi-cally, the setting up of a free trade area).

The conditionalities of the stabilisation and association process constitute both a strong incentive for reform and assistance in achieving it, bearing in mind the ultimate objective, which is regional stability. One of the means of attaining that goal is thus to encourage regional integration in order to generate the same virtuous circle, making conflict impossible, as that instituted by the European Coal and Steel Community in the 1950s.

The financial dimension

A single framework for Community assistance to all countries in South-eastern Europe was put in place in 2000: the CARDS programme (Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development and Stabilisation). Its budget for the period 2000-2006 stands at approximately €4.65 billion.

In 2004, financial commitments benefiting the Balkans thus rose to €663 million. From 2007, CARDS will disappear and aid to the Western Balkans will be provided under the new pre-accession instrument. This aid is directed at facilitating the participation of the region’s countries in the stabilisation and association process. Originally focused on reconstruction, this aid will now prioritise programmes for institutional reinforcement in order to permit those States to combat cor-ruption and organised crime.

In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the goal is to shore up a country whose institutions are both vulnerable and complex, and which still needs the assistance of the international community and the European Union in order to complete the reforms required to build a normally functioning State. The Dayton-Paris Accords marking the end of the war created the post of High Representative of the international community charged with the task of coordinating the latter’s action and later given powers of enforcement, the so-called «Bonn powers». Since 2002, the High Representative has at one and the same time exercised the responsibilities of European Union Special Representative (EUSR) and coordinated and led the Union’s action in Bosnia-Herzegovina. In a logic directed at the broadest possible shouldering of their responsibilities by the Bosnian authorities, reflection has already begun on closing down the High Representative’s office, with the EUSR continuing to act as coordinator of international action in the country.

The European Union deploys the entire range of CFSP/ESDP instruments, coordinated by the EUSR:

-  The European Union’s military mission, EUFOR Althea, replaced the NATO force, SFOR, in December 2004 with an identical mandate. It deploys nearly 7,000 military personnel from 33 countries, including 22 EU Member States.
-  The police mission (EUPM), launched in January 2003, was the first ESDP mission to be conducted by the European Union. Its mandate was renewed early in 2006, and it now involves 500 police officers whose role is to provide assistance and advice to the local authorities, with particular effort being devoted to fighting organised crime.
-  Lastly, Bosnia-Herzegovina is a participant in the stabilisation and association process and since 2005 it has been negotiating a stabilisation and association agreement with the European Union.

Serbia has gone down the road of rapprochement with the European Union but has a sub-stantial number of challenges to overcome (difficulties in making the necessary internal reforms, cooperation with the ICTY, dealings with an independent Montenegro, negotiations on the future status of Kosovo). In connection with the SAA negotiations, the European Union is particularly attentive to cooperation with Serbia and with the ICTY, in addition to the handing over of war criminals still at large.

The Union played a decisive part in the agreement reached between the government in Podgorica and its opposition in order to organise a referendum on independence in Montenegro, thanks to the mediation mission undertaken by Mr. Miroslav Lajcak, Mr. Javier Solana’s special envoy. It is now seeking to encourage dialogue between Belgrade and Podgorica on all questions of common interest left pending by the disappearance of the State formed jointly by Serbia and Mon-tenegro. Montenegro should henceforth conduct its own SAA negotiations, having been previously included, prior to the proclamation of its independence, in the SAA negotiations conducted by Ser-bia and Montenegro.

The European Union is closely associated with the ongoing negotiations on the status of Kosovo and is preparing to play, following the withdrawal of the interim United Nations mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), a major role in the field of policing and the rule of law. A future ESDP mission in Kosovo in these domains is being prepared and should become operational in 2007. The essential mandate of that mission will be the training and assistance of Kosovar administrative departments and agencies and the maintenance of law and order in the context of the implementation of the future status and in collaboration with the other international actors still present in Kosovo, notably the OSCE and NATO.

Albania signed an SAA with the European Union in June 2006. The SAA between the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and the European Union came into force in April 2004. In December 2005, the European Council granted the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia the status of accession candidate. The Union still has a EUSR in the country in the person of Mr. Erwan Fouéré, a particular feature of whose remit is that he also holds the post of head of delegation for the Commission. These «two hats» offer the advantage of simultaneously raising the profile of the European Union in the country and enhancing the coherence of its action.

On the basis of an opinion issued by the Commission, the European Council granted candidate status to Croatia in June 2004. Accession negotiations were opened on 3 October 2005.

The Mediterranean Rim and the Middle East

The European Union is increasingly developing a cooperative relationship with this global region, with which it has very close historical, cultural and human ties. The European Union is also affirming its role as a major player in political and security issues in a region subject to crisis.

The political process

Relations between the European Union and the countries of the southern and eastern rim of the Mediterranean are covered by the Euro-Mediterranean partnership (Euromed) launched in 1995 in Barcelona. This process was initially designed to allow the Member States to the North of the Mediterranean to assist their neighbours in the South, using all the political, economic and cultural instruments at their disposal, in the peace dynamic generated by the Oslo Accords. The Barcelona process was set the target of building a common area of peace and stability and a zone of shared prosperity by 2010. It is clear that the pursuit of these aims has been very gravely affected by the development of tension and violence in the Middle East.

The Barcelona process relies for its implementation on a network of association agreements binding on the Mediterranean partners and the European Union . The following are members of Euromed: the Member States of the European Union, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Turkey.

The Euro-Mediterranean partnership is based on a holistic, multilateral approach comprising three main dimensions:
-  A political dimension, providing for a strengthening of the political and security dialogue. It is on this aspect that progress has been the most disappointing given the deterioration in the Middle East situation, and this despite the fact that the ministerial meetings held under the process have been the only ones to bring ministers from both Israel and the Palestinian Authority together around the same table for the purpose of political dialogue. The ministers of all the countries in the partnership (Member States of the European Union + 10) do in fact meet regularly in several different formations (foreign affairs, trade, economics, agriculture, and so on). There is also a Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly, this being a consultative body composed of national and European parliamentary representatives.
-  An economic dimension, aimed at building a zone of shared prosperity, the setting up of an economic and financial partnership and the staged introduction of a free trade area by 2010. This prospect is enshrined in the association agreements entered into between the European Community and the countries of the region. It is supplemented by the goal of creating a subregional free trade area between Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia (South/South integration) under the Agadir Agreement signed in 2004, which the European Union has encouraged with €4 million in financial aid.
-  A social, cultural and human dimension, whose goal is to help bring peoples together and encourage comprehension of other cultures and contact between civil societies. This dimension has notably taken concrete form in the establishment in Alexandria of the Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue between Cultures.

The Barcelona summit of November 2005 marked the tenth anniversary of the Euro-Mediterranean partnership, bringing together its members at the highest level for the first time. It defined avenues for exploration and has led to a strengthening of dialogue and cooperation between the two sides of the Mediterranean, and to the adoption of a code of conduct on terrorism and an action plan for the next five years.

The European Neighbourhood Policy, launched in 2002, is intended to complement the Euro-Mediterranean partnership with regard to that area. For this reason it covers all countries in the partnership with the exception of Turkey, along with countries to the East of the Union (Central Asia excluded). Its purpose is to consolidate the margins of the European Union by offering neighbouring countries the opportunity of insertion into an area of prosperity, stability and security founded on values shared with the European Union.

The original character of the European Neighbourhood Policy derives from two of its fea-tures:

-  The contractualisation of relations between the European Union and partner countries: national action plans, core instruments of the European Neighbourhood Policy, are negotiated with each country and adopted jointly for a minimum period of three years. They lay down a timetable for reforms over the short, medium and long terms, as well as defining results indicators. They form a roadmap of priorities for implementation. Action plans with Israel, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia and the Palestinian Authority have already been adopted in February 2005. Negotiations with Egypt should reach a conclusion in the near future. At the time of the conflict which struck Lebanon in July 2006, the action plan with this country was on the point of being adopted.

-  An approach based on incentives: the assistance provided by Europe will increase as and when the reforms to which partners are committed in priority areas intended to align them more closely with the values of the European Union (protection of human rights, democracy, the rule of law, governance, fighting terrorism, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruc-tion, migratory flows, etc.), are actually implemented.

Although most of its Member States have a bilateral presence in the Gulf, the European Union has a much less visible political presence there than the United States. This is so because the region is covered neither by the European Neighbourhood Policy nor by the Barcelona Process. The cooperation agreement signed in 1989 between the European Union and the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Gulf (CCASG) is largely focused on trade and economic issues and to date has enabled only limited political dialogue to be established. In recent years, both partners have affirmed their desire to deepen their political dialogue and the negotiations directed at achieving a free trade agreement, which have been progressing only with great difficulty for many years.

The financial dimension

Implementation of the partnership with the countries of the Mediterranean rim and the Near East consists in the provision of support for the MEDA programme, the overall budget for which totalled €5.35 billion over the period 2000-2006 for bilateral and regional projects. Loans granted by the European Investment Bank have supplemented this programme, yielding a grand total of €13 billion for the period 2000-2006.

From 2007 on, the new «neighbourhood and partnership instrument», which embodies the financial dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy, will replace the MEDA programme (as well as the TACIS programme (Technical Assistance to the Commonwealth of Independent States)), thus making aid to the countries of the Mediterranean part of a total budget of aid going also to the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) -not including Central Asia.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is central to the action of the European Union to maintain political stability in the region. Through the balanced positions it has adopted and the moderate image it enjoys in the eyes of the parties, the EU has earned a role in dealings with both sides.

As member of the Quartet, which was created at its instigation, it supports the implementation of the roadmap. It continues to pursue the goal of a negotiated solution for a fair and lasting peace founded on the peaceful coexistence of two States living side by side. To that end, it relies on the action undertaken by the Secretary-General of the Council and High Representative for CFSP, Mr. Javier Solana and on that of the EUSR for the peace process in the Middle East, a post currently held by Mr. Marc Otte, the successor of Mr. Miguel Angel Moratinos.

Alongside its action and the positions it takes in international forums, the European Union is also active on the ground. The European Union (Commission + Member States) is by far the leading financial contributor in the Palestinian Territories. Following the victory of Hamas in the parliamentary elections in January 2006, it was charged by the Quartet with putting in place an interna-tional mechanism to enable financial aid to be channelled to the Palestinian population without the donors being involved in political contact with the new government insofar as it fails to recognise the three principles laid down by the international community: renunciation of violence, recognition of Israel and recognition of international agreements signed by the Palestinian Liberation Organisation.

The EU contributes to security in the Territories and to freer movement of people under the terms of two ESDP missions: a mission of support for reform of the Palestinian police (EUPOL COPPS) and a border assistance mission at the Rafah crossing point between Egypt and the Gaza Strip (EU BAM Rafah).

The divisions which appeared between Member States in 2003 in connection with the debate on appropriateness of military intervention in Iraq led to the first real crisis for the CFSP. However, the European Union proved capable of overcoming this difficulty and uniting again to face the resurgence in violence and the excesses of the different communities in that country. The EU supports the vision of a united, democratic and sovereign Iraq.

At its meeting in June 2006, the European Council showed itself to be ready to support the new government formed on 20 May 2006 insofar as that government pursues the goal of ensuring respect for the rule of law, the promotion of national unity and reconciliation, protecting and developing Iraq’s resources and the use of those resources for the benefit of all Iraqis. The European Un-ion should now begin political dialogue with this new government.

In 2006, the EU invested over €200 millions in contributing to improvement in the situation in Iraq. In addition, it participates in training Iraqi police officers and magistrates and raising their awareness of the importance of the rule of law, working through the EUJUST LEX mission, to which France is the biggest contributor.

Since 2003, Europeans have found themselves at the centre of a major diplomatic process relating to the Iranian nuclear issue. The initiative, launched originally by three European countries (Germany, France and the United Kingdom), very soon joined by the Secretary-General of the Council and High Representative for CFSP, is aimed at supporting the work of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and at offering Iran the possibility of allaying the doubts of the international community as to the goals of its nuclear programme.

The negotiations proceeded in this context in accordance with the above expectations until their interruption in August 2005 when the Iranians decided to resume development of their fissile material production programme.

Since that time, the IAEA Board of Governors has placed on record in a resolution dated 24 Sep-tember 2005 that «Iran’s failures in a number of instances over an extended period of time to meet its obligations under its NPT (Non-Proliferation Treaty) Safeguards Agreement constitute non compliance in the context of Article XII. C of the Agency’s Statute» and asked Iran to «implement transparency measures, re-establish full suspension of all enrichment related activities». The United Nations Security Council confirmed in a presidential declaration dated 31 January 2006 the international community’s concern to see Iran accede to the calls made by the IAEA. The United Nations Security Council reaffirmed its commitment to the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and recalled the right of States Party to develop research, production and use of nu-clear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination.

All Member States of the European Union are systematically associated by the Secretary-General of the Council and High Representative for CFSP and kept informed by the Political and Security Committee (PSC) of the demarches in progress. They regularly define the position argued for by the Union at political level at all meetings of the General Affairs and External relations Council (GAERC) at which this issue is raised.

It was once again the European Union that succeeded in June 2006 in building around itself a consensus in the international community (notably including the United States, Russia and China) to put forward to Iran an ambitious offer to permit a cooperation agreement of substance to be signed, including the development of a civil nuclear energy programme, negotiations for which could commence immediately Iran responded positively to the calls from the IAEA concerning its enrichment activities. Failing such a return to negotiations, as ardently desired by the international community, the procedure under way on the United Nations Security Council would be resumed.

The European Union took on a high international profile with this issue and it was Mr. Javier Solana who went to Tehran to submit to the Iranians the proposal prepared by the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and Germany.

Alongside the nuclear issue, it should be made clear that the European Union is also committed to improving the human rights situation in Iran, making numerous approaches to the regime in power and frequently expressing its views on this topic.

Lastly, the European Union has been constantly attentive to the situation in Lebanon following the assassination of Rafik Hariri, reaffirming its commitment to the sovereignty, unity and independence of that country, and reiterating its call for satisfactory implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559.

When the crisis between Israel and Lebanon was triggered in July 2006, the EU and its Member States strongly supported the affected civilian populations, providing a high level of humanitarian aid. The EU also very much endorsed the French approach on the exit from this crisis, supporting France’s efforts at the UN Security Council to achieve a settlement of the conflict centred on two principles: the security of Israel and Lebanon’s exercise of full sovereignty throughout its national territory, pursuant to the relevant Security Council resolutions.

Eastern Europe and Central Asia

In order to adjust to the situation arising from the enlargement of May 2004, the European Union is developing new economic tools and a new political approach for the purpose of deepening its relationship and its support for this region, which is now a close neighbour.

The political process

Under the European Neighbourhood Policy, the intention of which is also to strengthen cooperation with the EU’s neighbours to the East, an initial series of action plans was approved in February 2005 with Ukraine and Moldavia. Signed for durations of three years, these focus on democratisation, fighting corruption, conflict settlement and modernisation of the economic and social system, as well as providing for the possibility for these two countries to align themselves with CFSP declarations and decisions.

In addition, the European Union intends to take through to a successful conclusion the negotiations begun for the signing of action plans with the three countries in the Southern Caucasus (Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan) in 2006.

Relations between the European Union and Central Asia are based at the present time on partnership and cooperation agreements that came into force on 1 July 1999, with the exception of those signed with Turkmenistan and Tajikistan, which have yet to be ratified. Those agreements provide for wide-ranging cooperation in all spheres and the implementation of regular political dialogue. The European Union, due to its firm position on human rights, is seen as a critical actor for a number of countries in this region, Uzbekistan being notable among them, on which independent European sanctions were imposed in the wake of the Andijan massacre in May 2005.

In order to play a more active part and enhance the coherence of its action in this region, in July 2005 the European Union appointed a Special Representative for Central Asia, who has a specific mandate to contribute, in close cooperation with the OSCE, to conflict prevention and settlement and to seek to ensure the coherence of the external actions of the European Union in the re-gion. His recommendations are to serve as a basis for the definition of an active EU strategy on Central Asia, which Germany, as holder of the Presidency of the European Union in the first half of 2007, has defined as a priority.

The financial dimension

The TACIS assistance programme, set up in 1991 for the benefit of the countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia, was allocated a budget of €3.138 billion for the period 2000-2006. This programme was developed with the aim of helping former USSR countries complete their transition process, consolidate their democratic and judicial structures and develop their market economy.

From 2007 on, the new «European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument» (ENPI) is to be the successor of the TACIS programme (as well as the MEDA programme).

Following the Orange Revolution which brought Viktor Yushchenko to power towards the end of 2004, the European Union, which played a major part in the success of the transition to de-mocracy in Ukraine, has developed a special relationship with this country with a view to assisting it in its reform process. The first European Union-Ukraine summit took place in Kiev on 1 December 2005 and made it possible to salute the progress achieved in implementing the action plan and the strides forward made in cooperation on foreign and security policy matters. The leaders of the European Union were pleased to note Ukraine’s active role in seeking the resumption of the negotiation process aimed at settling the conflict in Transnistria.

The European Union, which will share a common border with Moldavia following the accession of Romania, has an increasing interest in resolving the Transnistria conflict. It is active on a number of fronts: the imposition of sanctions on the leaders of Transnistria in 2003; the appointment in March 2005 of an EUSR (Mr. Jacobovits de Szeged) with a mandate to assist in the peaceful settlement of Transnistrian conflict; EU participation as observer in the «5+2» negotiation proc-ess (the Moldavian and Transnistrian parties plus the three mediators: Russia, Ukraine, OSCE); the launch on 1 December 2005 of an assistance mission (EU BAM) to aid Ukraine and Moldavia in controlling the whole of the border and to contribute in this way to combating arms traffic, smuggling, organised crime and corruption.

In the Southern Caucasus, the European Union also appointed an EUSR on 1 July 2003 (Mr. Talvitie, followed in 2006 by his successor, Mr. Semneby) with a specific mandate to contrib-ute to the prevention and settlement of the frozen conflicts in the Southern Caucasus and to ensure proper coordination and improved visibility for the external action of the European Union in the region. In Georgia, the reinforced EUSR team currently based in Tbilisi has the task of building an overall reform strategy for border management and to work in the field to help improve communications between Tbilisi and the border.

As for Russia, it has seen its recognition as having a special place in the neighbourhood policy. The strategic partnership with the European Union notably provides for the creation of four common areas for cooperation.

Lastly, Belarus stands apart due to the authoritarian nature of the regime put in place by President Lukashenko. The policy of the European Union with regard to Belarus combines sanctions (visa bans, the freezing of financial assets aimed at the key leaders of the regime, including President Lukashenko) and stepping up assistance directed towards civil society. More than €2 million has been mobilised in this way for the implementation of projects aimed at breaking down the regime’s monopoly on information and to help train journalists. The European Union continues nevertheless to be ready to deepen its relations with Belarus, including under European Neighbourhood Policy, if the authorities demonstrate their willingness to abide by the principles of democracy and the rule of law.

Africa

The European Union, linked as it is to Africa by ties deeply rooted in history and geography, has developed an intensive relationship with the continent in many domains, making it Africa’s most important partner. The political process

The relationship of the European Union with Africa has been contractualised by a series of conventions (Yaoundé as early as 1963, Lome) and currently by the Partnership «Agreement between the Africa-Caribbean-Pacific countries, the European Community and its Member States» signed at Cotonou in 2000. The Cotonou Agreement lays down the framework for development aid provided by the European Union for Africa; it also defines a regulatory and trade policy framework intended to foster the gradual integration of African countries into the global economy.

The political dimension is a major aspect of the Cotonou Agreement, especially Articles 8 and 96, which introduce the principle whereby aid is made conditional on political criteria (see «European Union action in support of human rights and democracy»). This dialogue is conducted in the countries of the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific region by EU heads of mission and delegates of the European Commission. The political dimension is also predicated on a joint annual meeting of the Council of ministers and a joint parliamentary assembly (two plenary sessions every year).

The European Union makes use of other forums for dialogue exclusively with African countries:

-  At the level of Heads of State and Government, a session for dialogue between the European Union and Africa (African Union + Morocco) was held at a first summit held in Cairo in April 2000. The second summit, planned to be held in Europe, could not take place at this stage due to the visa banning measures against Zimbabwe’s leaders;

-  the dialogue has also formalised with the African Union and Africa’s regional economic communities (notably ECOWAS and SADC) at the level of ministers and civil servants.

Relations between the European Union and Africa took on a further dimension with the adoption by the European Council on 15-16 December 2005 of a EU strategy document for Africa entitled «The EU and Africa: Towards a Strategic Partnership» [1] This strategy defines a common referential framework for issues of peace and security, trade and development aid, the goal being to assist Africans in achieving the Millennium Development Goals.

Specifically, the strategy provides for a stepping up of aid to build African crisis manage-ment capacity, notably by means of the provision of support to African training centres. At France’s instigation, the General Secretariat of the Council and the Commission have been mandated to de-fine a European concept for building African capacity to prevent, manage and settle conflicts. This new tool will be based on the French concept of Reinforcement of African peacekeeping capabili-ties (RECAMP).

The financial dimension

The European policy on development in Africa is aimed at encouraging the attainment of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals notably by increasing aid in domains considered to be prerequisites for MDG achievement (peace and security, good governance).

The European Development Fund (EDF) is the main tool used by the European Union: €13.5 billion have been earmarked for the ninth EDF. More than €24 billion will be allocated to countries in the Africa-Caribbean-Pacific area over the period 2008-2013 by means of the tenth EDF and loans from the European Investment Bank. In total, the European Union is by far the biggest donor to Africa, providing official development aid standing at 60% of all aid received by that continent.

In order to give concrete expression to the attention paid to security as a prerequisite for development, a new instrument attached to the EDF, the Peace Facility for Africa, came into force in 2004 with an initial allocation of €250 million for the period 2004-2007. This instrument makes it possible to finance support expenditure (soldiers’ per diems, transport, etc. but excluding arms and munitions) for operations conducted by the African Union or by African sub-regional organisations. A specific budget line is also planned for strengthening the capabilities of the African Union and sub-regional organisations (€35 million). This instrument will be maintained over the period 2008-2010, with an initial amount of €300 million.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) provides an excellent example of how the various instruments of the European Union are brought to bear:

-  Community aid provided through the ninth EDF in an approximate amount of €750 million for the period 2002-2007 is aimed at combating poverty, strengthening institutional capacities and macroeconomic support;
-  An EU Special Representative, Mr. Ajello, was appointed for the Great Lakes region as early as 1996.
-  The ARTEMIS military operation was conducted during the summer of 2003 in Ituri with France acting as Framework Nation. This operation played a crucial role in CFSP/ESDP en-gagement with Africa.
-  The EUPOL Kinshasa (beginning in 2004) and EUSEC DRC (beginning in 2005) missions are the follow-on in the engagement of the European Union with the DRC. EUPOL Kinshasa is a mission directed at training and strengthening the management capacities of the police. EUSEC DRC, launched at France’s instigation, is directed at providing expertise and assistance for the reform of the security sector.
-  The military operation EUFOR RD Congo was deployed throughout the election period in the DRC (summer 2006) at the request of the United Nations. Intended to as a deterrent force, its aim is to provide support for the United Nations Mission in the Congo (MONUC) in the event that it does not have sufficient capability to cope with certain situations.

The European Union also has very extensive involvement in the handling of the Sudan/Darfur crisis:

-  At the diplomatic level, with the appointment in July 2005 of a Special Representative for Sudan, M. Haavisto, and the active part played by Mr. Solana, who is maintaining close contact with the main protagonists involved in the Darfur issue.
-  At the operational level, with financial aid of €262 million to the African Union mission to Darfur for the period 2004-2006 provided through the Peace Facility for Africa and an ESDP support action in the civilian (police) and military (observers, planners, strategic transport for African contingents) domains in order to facilitate that mission.
-  At the levels of humanitarian aid (€238 million since 2003 for the Darfur crisis) and development aid, with €318 million allocated to Sudan under the ninth EDF for the period 2002-2007.

Latin America

Latin America has become an important economic and political partner for the European Union. The ties between the European Union and this global region, which stem from shared history, culture and values, are increasingly close, leading to the establishment of a strong and sus-tained relationship.

The political process

The political dialogue between the European Union and Latin America has developed largely around a bi-regional approach in which the European Union maintains relations with politi-cal leaders throughout the continent.

The practical expression of this is the holding of EU-Latin America/Caribbean summits at regular intervals since 1999 (the Rio summit, following a Franco-Spanish initiative), a gathering that provides an opportunity not only to reaffirm values shared by both regions but also to take stock of the concrete progress of their cooperation, especially in the spheres of social cohesion, poverty reduction and education.

The European Union encourages the efforts of the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean to move in the direction of regional integration, prioritising dialogue and the negotiation of agreements with regional groupings (Mercosur, the Andean Community of Nations, the Central American Integration System, Cariforum).

The financial dimension

Where aid policy is concerned, since 1992 the countries of Latin America have been the beneficiaries of a Community programme, PVD/ALA (the French acronym for Developing Coun-tries / Asia and Latin America), with an initial budget of €337 million earmarked for Latin America in 2003, which is to be replaced by a new «development financing instrument». The main objective of European aid is to help raise the level of social cohesion in Latin American countries, in particu-lar by influencing public policies on education, health, the administration of justice, taxation and employment.

Since the European Council of June 1994, the European Union has been developing its rela-tionship with Mercosur, for which it is the leading trade partner and the biggest investor. Negotiations aimed at signing an interregional association agreement were commenced in 2000 in Buenos Aires. Where the trade aspect is concerned, an action plan relating to business facilitation was adopted at the Madrid summit in 2002. In Lisbon in October 2004, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Mercosur and the European Union reiterated the importance they attach to the negotiation of an interregional association agreement as an important element in strengthening political, economic and trade ties between the European Union and Mercosur.

Cooperation between the European Union and Central America is conducted at the present time under the cooperation agreement of 1993, renegotiated in 2002-2003 through a new political dialogue and cooperation agreement. The beginning of the negotiation of an association agreement with Central America was the most concrete step forward achieved at the European Union-Latin America/Caribbean summit in Vienna in May 2006.

The Rome Declaration of 1996 structures the political dialogue between the European Union and the Andean Community of Nations (CAN). The main topics for discussion are regional integration, democracy, human rights and the combat against drug trafficking. On 15 October 2003, the European Union and the Andean Community signed a political dialogue and cooperation agree-ment, and, following the Guadalajara summit in May 2004, declared that the signing of an associa-tion agreement was a shared goal. However, uncertainty as to the future of the CAN did not permit this goal to be given practical expression at the Vienna summit.

The European Union has signed two association agreements with individual countries: Mexico (signed in 1997; entry into force in 2000) and Chile (signed in 2002; entry into force in 2005). These agreements contain sections dealing with «free trade», «political dialogue» and «cooperation».

Asia

Asia has become an important partner for the European Union over time, in line with its increasing economic power and the strategic goals and issues relating to this global region.

The political process

For many years, political relations between the European Union and Asia were insufficiently developed. In order to remedy this, and in order to confer a global dimension upon the rela-tionship between Europe and Asia, ASEM (Asia Europe Meeting) was set up in 1996 in response to a Franco-Singaporean initiative. ASEM is an informal intergovernmental process, bringing together the Member States of the Union (and the Commission, but without the Secretary-General of the Council and High Representative for CFSP) and thirteen Asian States (China, Japan and South Korea plus the ten Asian States belonging to ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations)). The summits of Heads of State and Government held every two years are a culmination for ASEM meetings, which are held in various ministerial formations and at civil servant level. Special mo-dalities have been defined in order to make possible the participation of Burmese leaders in these meetings, despite the visa banning measures imposed against them by the European Union.

The European Union also maintains institutional dialogue with ASEAN (which includes Thailand, Indonesia, Singapore, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam) through meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs held every two years.

The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) provides an advantageous venue for dialogue in which the European Union is able to highlight what is specific to its approach and instruments where security issues are concerned. The Presidency of the European Union and the Secretary-General of the Council and High Representative for CFSP represent the Union in the Forum, in which the Member States and the Commission are not represented.

The financial dimension

Relations between the Union and Asia are dominated by economics and trade. Asia is the third biggest trade partner for the European Union and the Asian States have become key interlocutors within the World Trade Organisation. Massive investment flows and expanding trade in services are continually adding to the importance of the relationship between the European Union and Asia in this domain.

The European Union is also active in Asia through its humanitarian and development aid. For example, between 2001 and 2005 the community cooperation office EuropeAid paid out over €2.5 billion in external aid to Asia. This was largely channelled through the PVD/ALA programme, which is managed by EuropeAid. The principal sectors covered by European aid to the continent of Asia relate to social services, rural development, macro-economic policies, food security, trade, institutional capacities and good governance.

Afghanistan is an area to which the European Union has devoted special effort. The Commission committed itself at the Tokyo conference of January 2002 to allocating one billion euros over the period 2002-2006, or €200 million a year. This action will be pursued from 2007 at the rate of €150 million a year. An EU Special Representative was appointed for Afghanistan in December 2001.

With regard to North Korea, the European Union supports the process of discussions with the group of six on the North Korean nuclear issue. It has contributed to the funding of KEDO since 1997, providing approximately €120 million.

The observation and monitoring mission of the European Union in Aceh in Indonesia (AMM, Aceh Monitoring Mission, launched in September 2005 and extended until September 2006) marks a major step in the emergence of the European Union as a political actor in Asian eyes. It is the first ESDP operation on the Asian continent. Its mandate is to ensure adherence to the peace agreement set out in a Memorandum of Understanding signed on 15 August 2005 between the Indonesian authorities and GAM, a rebel movement seeking greater autonomy for the province of Aceh.

Finally, the European Union has set up a strategic partnership with three major Asian States (Japan, China and India, see The European Union’s strategic partnerships).

The Balkans: an example of the holistic nature of European Union action

Since the end of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the European Union has become the dominant actor in the Western Balkans. The EU deploys all its instruments in this region for action in all the countries of the region and in all domains: political, economic, social and military.

-  That action is based around the European prospects of the region’s countries. At the European Union/Balkans summit in Zagreb in November 2000, those countries had conferred upon them the status of «potential candidates», a fact recalled at the summit in Thessalonica in June 2003. This prospect offers a major political incentive for structural reforms.

-  The European prospect involves the stages in the stabilisation and association process initiated in 1999 and is dependent upon a number of conditionalities (regional cooperation, respect of minority rights, cooperation with the ICTY, and so on). Under this process, the European Union is developing contractual relations with the countries concerned, which take concrete form in the negotiation and signing of Stabilisation and Association Agreements.

-  The European Union also participates in the economic development and the reconstruction of the social fabric of the region through the CARDS programme, which has been allocated a budget of €4.65 billion for the period 2000-2006. This programme is to be replaced by the Pre-accession Instrument from 2007 (see «The Western Balkans»).

-  The political dialogue between the two regions is continuing. The Gymnich, the informal meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the European Union, held on 11 March 2006 in Salzburg, was followed by an informal ministerial meeting between the European Union and the Balkans, which allowed the development of the situation in the Western Balkan countries since the Thessalonica summit to be evaluated, along with an assessment of the practical measures it would be possible to envisage with regard to those countries (they are seeking easier visa issuance for en-try into the European Union) while reaffirming the European prospect for them. Under the terms of the Thessalonica Agenda, in principle the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the European Union and their opposite numbers in the Western Balkans meet once yearly.

-  Two EUSRs, both placed under the authority of Mr. Javier Solana, have been appointed in the region and are responsible for coordinating the action of the European Union for the countries where they are based: in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Mr. Christian Schwarz-Schilling, who is also High Representative of the international community) and in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (Mr. Erwan Fouéré, who also holds the post of head of delegation of the Commission).

-  And lastly, ESDP missions involve the provision of expertise to the local authorities and contributions to the combat against organised crime (against which the European Union also deploys instruments under the third pillar): following on from CONCORDIA (2003) and PROXIMA (2003-2005) in Macedonia, EUFOR Althea (7,000 soldiers) and the EU Police Mission (EUPM) are active in Bosnia-Herzegovina. A future ESDP mission is in preparation for Kosovo, with deployment to take place from early 2007.


[1] Available on: http://ec.europa.eu/development/body/communications/docs/eu_strategy_for_africa_12_10_2005_en.pdf.

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